If you search for the highest IQ on record, you will likely encounter the number 228, attributed to columnist Marilyn vos Savant, or the number 230, attributed to mathematician Terence Tao. However, psychometricians view these astronomical figures with skepticism. While both individuals are undeniably exceptional, the specific numbers attached to their names require context.
The term IQ, or Intelligence Quotient, is one of the most recognized acronyms in the world. It is a score derived from a set of standardized tests designed to assess human intelligence. Psychologists generally agree that IQ tests measure a trait known as general intelligence, often abbreviated as g. This concept refers to a broad mental capacity that influences performance across a wide variety of cognitive tasks. When a person takes an IQ test, they are not being tested on their knowledge of trivia or facts.
Instead, they are tested on their ability to reason, solve novel problems, and recognize patterns. The tests also measure working memory, which is the ability to hold and manipulate information in the mind over a short period. A useful analogy is to think of g as the computing power of a computer’s processor. A higher score suggests a processor that can handle complex information quickly and accurately.
So how did vos Savant and Tae end up with such high IQ scores? To understand the distinction between internet legend and verified ability, one must look past the simple numerical scores and examine the documented histories of these two intellectuals, beginning with Tao.
Terence Tao is a professor at the University of California, Los Angeles, and a winner of the Fields Medal, which is often described as the Nobel Prize of mathematics. He is widely considered one of the smartest living individuals.
While popular culture frequently assigns him a definitive IQ of 230, the reality of his intellect is best understood through the assessments conducted during his childhood. Two primary academic sources, a 1984 study by Ken Clements and a 2006 retrospective by Michelle Muratori and colleagues, provide a detailed record of this singular mind.
The story of Tao’s precociousness begins remarkably early. According to a 1984 article in Educational Studies in Mathematics by Ken Clements, a mathematics educator who assessed Tao directly, the boy learned to read and write at the age of two simply by watching Sesame Street. By the time he was seven years old, he was living a dual academic life.
He spent part of his day at a primary school in Australia for general studies and the rest of his time at a local high school studying Year 11 and Year 12 physics and mathematics. His high school teacher noted that there was very little he actually taught the seven-year-old, as Tao would finish all the coursework lessons ahead of the rest of the class.
Quantifying Genius: SATs and Estimations
The quantification of his intelligence, which leads to the high IQ estimates often cited today, comes from specific testing data. In his 1984 assessment, Clements administered the Australian Council for Educational Research Operations Test to the then seven-year-old Tao. This test measures the ability to perform mathematical operations. Tao achieved a perfect score of 60 out of 60, a feat Clements had never seen in a primary-school-aged child.
Later, the researcher Julian Stanley from Johns Hopkins University provided an even more standardized metric. As detailed in a 2006 Gifted Child Quarterly article, Stanley sent the Tao family the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) when Terence was just eight years old.
The SAT is a standardized exam generally taken by university-bound high school students in the United States. On the mathematics section, the eight-year-old Tao scored a 760 out of a possible 800. Researchers Julian Stanley and Miraca Gross utilized these raw scores to calculate his estimated IQ. Based on the statistical rarity of an 8-year-old scoring 760 on the SAT, the extrapolated IQ was estimated to be between 220 and 230.
However, Tao himself has downplayed the astronomical estimates derived from these childhood tests. Writing on his own website, he argued that the test is “extremely noisy at these scales” and a more realistic estimate is simply an IQ “greater than 175.”
“This was documented in the book Exceptionally Gifted Children by Miraca Gross, where I was given the pseudonym ‘Adrian Seng’… But there is no reason to expect that this ratio would continue in my later years,” he said.
Cognitive Style and “Radical Acceleration”
Beyond the raw numbers, the researchers observed a specific cognitive style in the young Tao. Clements noted in his 1984 study that Tao possessed a distinct preference for analytic thinking over visual imagery. Analytic thinking involves using logic, symbols, and formulas to solve problems, while visual imagery relies on picturing shapes and movements in the mind.
When Clements administered a space visualization test that required mentally rotating shapes, Tao performed well but made errors that he did not make in pure algebra. When asked to explain his methods, Tao revealed that he tried to use mathematical rules to verify the position of the shapes rather than simply imagining them turning. This indicated a mind that naturally gravitated toward the structure of syntax and symbols rather than spatial intuition.
The educational strategy used to nurture this talent was unique. His parents, Billy and Grace Tao, opted for what researchers call radical acceleration, but they applied it with a twist. As described in the Gifted Child Quarterly, they did not simply push him into university at age 10 to study everything.
Instead, they staggered his grade levels. At age seven, he was taking high school math but remained in primary school for spelling and social studies. This allowed him to maintain social contact with his age peers while his intellectual needs were met in specific subjects. His father, Billy Tao, noted that this prevented the burnout often associated with child prodigies.
From Cognitive Sprinter to Marathon Runner
Billy Tao later used a running metaphor to describe his son’s development. He viewed Terence’s early years as those of a “sprinter,” characterized by rapid progression through standard curriculum. However, to become a true mathematician, Terence had to evolve into a “marathon runner.” This transition occurred during his doctoral studies at Princeton University.
The Gifted Child Quarterly article highlights that the skills required for research are different from those required for testing. While the “sprinter” phase relied on speed and quick calculation, the “marathon” phase required deep patience, perseverance, and the ability to grapple with unsolved problems for long periods.
Despite his intense academic schedule, reports from his childhood suggest he remained a socially adjusted child. Clements observed him playing hide-and-seek with his brothers and noted he was a happy, well-mannered boy who understood he was different but did not let it isolate him.
In the 2006 interview, Terence Tao reflected that his parents worked to keep his life as normal as possible. He did not find his true social niche until graduate school, where he met peers with similar intellectual passions, but his early years were defined by a supportive family environment rather than isolation.
The record of Terence Tao’s early life offers a clear picture of what extreme high intelligence looks like in practice. It was not merely a matter of a high score on a test, but a combination of rapid learning speed, a preference for analytical problem solving, and an educational environment that adapted to his specific uneven development. His journey from a child who taught himself to read at two to a Fields Medalist illustrates that while raw potential is essential, the management of that talent determines the ultimate outcome.
While Tao’s high score is largely a matter of academic estimation, the other famous contender for the title held a widely publicized official record. For five years in the late 1980s, the Guinness Book of World Records included a category that fascinated the public: Highest IQ. The person holding that title was Marilyn vos Savant, a magazine columnist from St. Louis, Missouri.
Her listed Intelligence Quotient of 228 became legendary, cementing her status as a cultural icon of intellect. However, the story behind that number is a complex mix of psychology, statistics, and changing scientific standards. By examining the history of her testing and the critiques from experts like psychologist Andrew M. Colman, we can understand why Guinness eventually retired the category entirely.
The Science of Scoring: Ratio vs. Deviation IQ
To understand how vos Savant achieved a score of 228, one must look at how intelligence testing has evolved. According to biographical records, vos Savant took the Stanford-Binet test in 1956 when she was ten years old. At that time, psychologists utilized a scoring method known as Ratio IQ.
This formula calculated a person’s score by dividing their “mental age” by their biological age and multiplying the result by 100. Vos Savant performed so well that the test determined she had the mental age of a person aged 22 years and 10 months. When this mental age was divided by her actual age of ten, the resulting calculation yielded the score of 228.
While this number is mathematically accurate based on the old formula, modern science views it with skepticism. Writing for The Skeptic, Andrew M. Colman pointed out in the 1990s that the Ratio IQ method is flawed, particularly when applied to adults. A person’s mental age does not continue to increase linearly throughout their life, but their biological age does.
This flaw led psychologists to replace Ratio IQ with a method called Deviation IQ. This modern system, introduced by David Wechsler in 1939, scores individuals by comparing them to the general population using a statistical model called a normal distribution, or a bell curve.
In a normal distribution, the average score is set at 100. The way scores spread out from that average is measured in units called standard deviations. For most IQ tests, one standard deviation is 15 points. This means that a score of 115 is one unit above average, and a score of 130 is two units above average.
Colman noted that a score of 228 is 8.53 standard deviations above the mean. In statistical terms, this is an astronomical distance. The probability of a person achieving such a score is less than one in 100 quadrillion. Given that the Earth’s population is only in the billions, Colman argued that finding a person with a valid Deviation IQ of 228 is effectively impossible.
The discrepancy between these scoring methods suggests that vos Savant’s record was the result of using a childhood ratio score that does not translate to adult intelligence scales. Indeed, when vos Savant took the Mega Test as an adult in the mid-1980s, she achieved a standardized score of 186.
While this is still an exceptionally high score that places her in the elite tier of intellectual ability, it is far lower than the 228 figure that brought her fame. In 1990, Guinness removed the category, concluding that intelligence tests at the extreme high end of the spectrum were too unreliable to designate a single world record holder.
Beyond the Score: The Monty Hall Problem
Despite the debates regarding her test scores, vos Savant demonstrated her cognitive abilities through her long-running column in Parade magazine, “Ask Marilyn.” She is perhaps best known for her 1990 analysis of the Monty Hall problem, a probability puzzle based on a game show scenario.
The problem asks whether a contestant should switch doors after the host reveals a losing option. Vos Savant correctly argued that switching doubles the contestant’s probability of winning. At the time, she received thousands of letters, many from academics and mathematicians, insisting she was wrong. Later computer simulations and formal proofs vindicated her answer, proving her logic superior to that of her critics.
Decades of data indicate that IQ scores are strong predictors of academic achievement and occupational performance. This correlation is particularly strong in complex fields such as law, medicine, engineering, and science.
In these professions, the ability to absorb large amounts of abstract information and apply it to new situations is essential. Because the tests measure this specific type of processing speed and abstract reasoning, they can statistically forecast how well an individual might perform in an academic or highly technical environment.
However, the predictive power of an IQ score has limits. While it correlates with performance, it does not guarantee success. A high score represents potential rather than achievement. Psychologists emphasize that other factors, such as motivation, discipline, and social skills, play a significant role in determining a person’s actual life outcomes. A student with a high IQ who lacks the discipline to study may still perform poorly, while a student with a slightly lower score but a strong work ethic may excel.
Another significant distinction exists between intelligence and rationality. Intelligence, as measured by IQ, is the ability to process information. Rationality is the ability to think clearly, avoid bias, and make sound decisions. Keith Stanovich, a prominent psychologist, argues that IQ tests do not measure rationality.
This explains why a highly intelligent person might still make poor financial decisions or believe in conspiracy theories. The raw processing power of the brain does not automatically result in good judgment. In fact, a high IQ can sometimes allow a person to construct sophisticated arguments to justify incorrect beliefs.
It is also important to recognize that IQ scores are not fixed or immune to environmental influence. Throughout the 20th century, average IQ scores rose steadily across the world, a phenomenon known as the Flynn Effect. This rise suggests that intelligence is influenced by factors such as education, nutrition, and the increasing complexity of the modern environment.
As society has become more reliant on abstract symbols and technology, people have become better at the types of reasoning tasks found on IQ tests. This demonstrates that while biology plays a role, the environment helps shape the cognitive abilities that the tests measure.
In clinical settings, the scores serve a diagnostic purpose. They assist psychologists in identifying specific learning disabilities or developmental delays. By comparing a student’s IQ score with their actual academic performance, educators can identify discrepancies that may indicate a need for specialized support. In this context, the score acts as a tool to understand a learner’s specific needs rather than a label of their worth.
Ultimately, the value of an IQ score lies in its specificity. It is a reliable measure of a particular type of mental horsepower that is useful in academic and technical domains. It is not a comprehensive measure of human capability. It does not account for creativity, wisdom, emotional insight, or practical skills. When viewed objectively, an IQ score provides a snapshot of a person’s abstract reasoning ability, but it leaves the full picture of their potential incomplete.
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